UK’s Darling says PBR will reassure markets

The Labour government’s plan to halve the budget deficit over four years will soothe market concerns about Britain’s debt burden, finance minister Alistair Darling told reporters in an interview on Thursday.

Government bond futures fell sharply, however, a day after Darling delivered a pre-budget report that shied away from detailing exactly how he plans to cut borrowing.

Markets are worried Britain could lose its top-grade credit rating unless policymakers take tough action to cut a deficit set to top 12 percent of gross domestic product this year.

“The steps that we have taken will reassure people that we have a credible, deliverable, realistic and fair plan to cut government borrowing over a four-year period,” Darling said on Thursday.

Darling has set out some of the ways it intends to do that but neither Labour nor the opposition Conservatives have set out enough detail to convince markets yet.

The Conservatives, tipped to win an election due by mid-2010, have said they want to move quicker than Labour in cutting borrowing, worried that a lower credit rating would mean higher borrowing costs.

But Darling has said cutting spending at such an uncertainty economic juncture could prove ruinous for the recovery.

“If you brought the process forward a year you would have to find another £26bn,” he said. “I just don’t think that would be sensible.”

Confident on growth

Darling announced a rise in national insurance contributions on all but the poorest and slapped a one-off tax on bank-bonuses in Wednesday’s PBR to help tackle the growing deficit.

He also revised up his 2009/10 borrowing forecast marginally to £178bn on Wednesday, saying it was better to support the economy rather than hinder it with cuts just yet.

The UK government bond market initially took some comfort from that, but prices plunged on Thursday as investors worried the government was not going far enough to reduce its debt.

“We are at a situation just now where things are still pretty uncertain,” he said.

“I want to make sure we support our economy into recovery but after that, make no mistake about it, the fact that government borrowing will have to come down by half over a four-year period will mean you have got some pretty difficult decisions to be taken right across the board.”

Darling said the government could create the conditions to bring about growth of around 3.5 percent in 2011 and 2012.

“I am confident we can get that growth,” he said. He added that the 50 percent levy on bank bonuses over 25,000 pounds announced on Wednesday was meant to alter behaviour in the financial sector.

“This measure was quite deliberately designed to be one-off, it’s there to basically try and change people’s culture, people’s thinking,” Darling said.

IMF to visit Dubai in coming weeks – Fund official

An International Monetary Fund team will visit Dubai in coming weeks to look closer at the economic impact of the Dubai World debt crisis and actions needed to resolve it, a senior IMF official said on Monday.

In an interview with reporters, IMF Director for the Middle East and Central Asia Masood Ahmed said the visit was an opportunity for the IMF to update and conclude its 2009 assessment of the UAE.

Dubai has been shaken by the debt troubles at government-owned Dubai World, which is currently meeting creditors to delay payment on $26bn in debt, damaging the reputation of the Gulf Arab business hub.

Ahmed said the impact of the crisis appeared contained after a week of concerns among international investors that the crisis could spread. While those worries have subsided, the crisis is likely to have longer lasting effects for the UAE and some of its neighbours.

Ahmed said from now on lenders would likely demand more financial transparency from government-backed companies trying borrow money on their own standing and would also call for clarity on the nature of guarantees on quasi-sovereign debt.

“Lenders and investors will want to look at their balance sheets, their profit/loss statements, their liabilities and assets, in the way they would for any other borrower,” Ahmed said on the sidelines of the Arab Global Forum, a meeting of the private-sector in Washington.

“In today’s market place, companies that provide financial information should be able to attract capital on more attractive terms,” he added.

Ahmed also said there will probably be a period of uncertainty around regulations and legal frameworks of sukuk, or Islamic bonds.

“That will need to be worked through,” he added.

A key tests for Dubai World’s restructuring process will the issuance of a sukuk by Nakheel, the real estate arm of Dubai World, which is due to be redeemed at $4.05bn on December 14.

Ahmed said it was important for Dubai World to provide creditors and investors with as much information as it could to ensure an orderly restructuring of the debt.

“There is no reason to delay action on trying to provide more information and clarity on the status of companies outside Dubai World,” Ahmed said.

“Over time those providing that information will be able to respond to the markets requirements and will be able to attract capital at more attractive prices,” he added.

Last week, Ahmed said the IMF was set to cut its growth for the UAE’s non-oil sector to significantly less than the three percent the Fund had forecast for next year.

“The UAE is much more than just Dubai and Dubai is much more than Dubai World, but we do think the impact of Dubai World … will hold back recovery,” he added.

Ahmed said the UAE did not need the IMF’s financial assistance to help it deal with Dubai World’s problems.

“The UAE has a lot of resources, and the sovereign wealth fund is one of those sources,” he said, “Exactly how they use their different financial assets to deal with the current problem is something I’m sure they’re working out.”

Asked whether the IMF should have spotted trouble brewing at Dubai World, Ahmed said the Fund had long identified the asset price bubble in the UAE and warned of its impact on corporations involved in the development of real estate and associated affiliates, as well as on the banking sector.

“As to whether the IMF can and should be able to get inside a particular company to be able to look at its finances? That is removed from the role of the IMF, and it is harder in the case of companies such as this,” he said.

Siemens settles case with von Pierer – sources

Siemens AG has struck a deal with former Chairman Heinrich von Pierer on payments for part of costs of a corruption case, paving the way for an amicable ending to the biggest bribery scandal in the country.

Two sources familiar with the matter told reporters on Tuesday that Siemens has agreed to reduce the amount von Pierer would pay as compensation for damages which the world’s largest maker of industrial automation equipment had suffered as a result of the corruption case.

Two sources said Siemens had agreed in principle to reduce its demand from von Pierer to more than €4m from the original €6m.

Von Pierer was not accused of crimes and he denied any wrongdoing.

Siemens had agreed in December to pay more than $1.3bn to settle corruption probes in the US and Germany, ending two years of controversy that rocked the German engineering conglomerate.

Analysts said failure to reach an agreement would have forced the company to take von Pierer – called “Mr Siemens” during his heyday – to court over the damages.

Siemens had said it had spent around €2.5bn on lawyers’ fees, settlements with US authorities and tax penalties.

It had said it wanted to claim damages from 11 former top managers, including von Pierer, for failing to stop illegal practices and bribery at the company.

“If it goes to court, the image of Siemens would be affected. You would have this string of bad stories,” said one analyst who did not want to be identified.

German daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung said in a statement ahead of its Wednesday edition that von Pierer would pay €5m in installments.

Former CEO Klaus Kleinfeld, now Chief Executive of Alcoa Inc, as well as former Siemens board members Johannes Feldmayer, Juergen Radomski and Uriel Sharef have also agreed to make payments to Siemens, the daily added, citing sources.

Kleinfeld is to pay €2m, it said.

The sources said Siemens’ supervisory board, which is due to meet tomorrow, would have to formally approve the agreement.

Von Pierer’s lawyer declined to comment, as did Siemens.

The deal the world needs

Writing in these pages last year, I set out the EU’s proposals for a radical package to shake up the EU energy market and make climate change a political priority. One year on, 27 Member States with widely differing agendas have voted those measures into law, but an arguably greater challenge awaits. The focus has shifted to the global stage, to the climate conference in Copenhagen this December.

To recap, the Kyoto Protocol expires at the end of 2012. Its aim is simple – to help avert climate change by curbing greenhouse gas emissions, bringing them down to five percent below their 1990 levels. Nearly 200 nations have signed up, with 37 developed nations taking on emissions-reduction goals. But as its date of expiry approaches, the science is ever clearer, and the urgency of reaching a new agreement ever more pressing. The time has come to learn the lessons of the past decade, and find formulas that marry the desires of the developed world to those of developing nations, whose emissions will soon outstrip our own.

It’s a difficult task. The deal we need must set effective reductions targets for developed countries beyond 2012, encourage developing countries to slow the growth in their emissions, and deliver credible funding mechanisms for adaptation and emission reductions in developing countries.

Our leadership will be key. The EU has set out its agenda, with ambitious proposals for new emission reduction targets. We are asking for efforts that respond to the scientific message of urgency, and calling on other developed countries to offer comparable reduction targets. 

In September we laid our funding proposals on the table, with a convincing offer of financial support for developing countries. That offer should be considered in conjunction with the overall ambition level of the Copenhagen agreement and in relation to specific contributions developing countries are offering themselves.

The scale of finance developing countries need to address climate change suggests that no single channel or fund will suffice. Part of the challenge before Copenhagen will be to show how different channels and institutions can provide the necessary resources, with checks and balances to ensure their effective, efficient and legitimate use.

Domestic achievements for the global stage
The EU is firmly committed to limiting the average global temperature increase to less than 2°C compared to pre-industrial levels. A more significant temperature increase would mean food and water scarcity, more severe weather events, and a significantly higher threat to unique ecosystems. The 4th IPCC Assessment report indicates that reaching this target will require emissions reductions for developed countries in the range of 25-40 percent by 2020 and 80-95 percent by 2050.

Our credibility as negotiators is greatly enhanced by the fact that we have in place measures that set us on the right track. EU Member States have agreed to reduce emissions by 20 percent from 1990 levels by 2020, and by 30 percent if a comprehensive international agreement emerges from Copenhagen, with other developed countries committing to similar reductions. All sectors of the economy are expected to contribute.

And our longer term path is clear, with targets and rules for the EU ETS beyond 2012. The EU-wide cap is set for 2020 and beyond, with a linear reduction factor ensuring that ETS emissions will be 71 percent below 1990 levels by 2050. Allocation of allowances is to be fully harmonised across the EU, with auctioning being the normal method of allocation. The list of carbon leakage sectors that will receive special treatment will be agreed before the end of this year, and will be revisited post Copenhagen. Work also continues on benchmarks and the auctioning regulation.

Some ETS implementation issues remain. EU transport emissions continue to rise, in both relative and absolute terms. Greenhouse gas emissions from international air transport are increasing faster than from any other sector in the EU, and this growth threatens to undermine our overall progress in cutting emissions. But last year’s decision to include aviation in the ETS should go some way to remedying this.

Starting in 2012, aircraft emissions will be capped at 97 percent of their average 2004-2006 level, decreasing to 95 percent from 2013. Airlines will receive up to 85 percent of their emission allowances for free. Exemptions for air operators with very low traffic levels or with low annual emissions will apply to some of the smallest companies, with no significant effect on the emissions covered by the EU ETS.  The inclusion of aviation in the EU ETS could serve as a model for other countries considering similar national or regional schemes, and these could link to the EU scheme over time, enabling the EU ETS to form the basis for wider, global action.

Shipping must also contribute to reductions. According to the International Maritime Organisation, the potential for cutting CO2 emissions in the industry is significant, and this can even be done at negative cost. But more incentives are needed, so the International Maritime Organisation is considering proposals to expose shipping to the prevailing carbon price, ensuring that the costs imposed on the sector would be no more and no less than those faced by any other sector. Measures need to be agreed and applied to the major segments of the industry as soon as possible. If the IMO fails to deliver, the commission has a mandate to act in its place, and will propose including international maritime emissions in the community reduction commitment, with a view to having legislation in force by 2013.

Towards a global carbon market
At no time in the history of the world have economies been more intertwined. We need to take advantage of this inescapable fact if we are to tackle a problem like global warming. A truly global carbon market will do that, giving all nations an economic interest in battling climate change. 

Kyoto mechanisms like international offsets and credits are the first steps on the road to a global carbon market, but major improvements are required. This is why the EU is going to Copenhagen with proposals to improve the functioning of the Clean Development Mechanism. In place of the current project-based approach, the EU is campaigning for a shift towards sectoral crediting for advanced developing countries, opening the way to a gradual transition to cap-and-trade.

Success will depend on ambitious technical benchmarks in any given sector, and a high level of environmental ambition. When a country demonstrates that performance in a given sector (power, or steel for example) exceeds the benchmark, credits are earned. The mechanism should initially concentrate on economic activities that are subject to global competition, and it will need to address concerns about carbon leakage and competitiveness. But the environmental advantages are clear, and the mechanism should be less cumbersome than the current CDM arrangements.

But the most ambitious step of all would be a clear linking of the EU ETS with other mandatory and compatible cap-and-trade systems. The EU ETS and the future US cap-and-trade system – integrated into a transatlantic carbon market – could form the twin engines we need to drive an OECD-wide carbon market by 2015, and a global one by 2020. The progress on domestic legislation in the US is an essential step in this regard, and I am encouraged by congressional timetables for getting draft legislation to a floor vote in the coming months.

Kyoto has always suffered from the US failure to ratify the agreement. A transatlantic carbon market, by contrast, could reap enormous rewards, bringing global credibility, sending powerful signals, and driving down emissions in some of the world’s most visible economies.

Copenhagen will be a challenge, on numerous fronts, but we are on the right path. We must use the coming months to consolidate proposals and lay the foundations for an agreement that is acceptable to all. Keeping the big picture in mind all the while: the future depends on holding global warming to the manageable level of 2°C.

Walked in line: How JP lost and found its roots

It’s amazing what a difference a couple of dots can make to a bank’s image. As today’s post-meltdown banks rush to remind nervous clients of their stability, one of the global banking giants has gone back to its heritage to do so. Having taken a long look at what customers really want in a bank, JPMorgan Chase & Co has put the punctuation back into its investment arm. Thus we now have J.P. Morgan & Co, complete with the dots it started with nearly 150 years ago. It took a meltdown to make the parent company truly appreciate the importance of its history. It’s been a long journey for the bank built by the great Junius Pierpont Morgan and his son, John Pierpont.

In the 1860s, American Junius S. Morgan started it all off by taking control of the London-based banking house of one George Peabody, and renaming it JS Morgan & Co.

In 1871 his son, the legendary Junius Pierpont, joined up with Philadelphia banker Anthony J. Drexel to establish in New York Drexel, Morgan & Co, mainly as a branch office for the the London business.

In 1895 Junius took complete control of the naming rights and the shingle of J.P. Morgan & Co went up on Wall Street for the first time. The bank’s reputation was sky-high after “J.P.” saved the US gold standard in 1894. For most Americans, the bank was already simply the House of Morgan or sometimes just plain Morgan.

After Junius died in 1913, son Jack Pierpont became senior partner. Since his initials were also J.P., there was no need to change the shingle. For the next 20 years the House of Morgan was the pre-eminent global raiser of sovereign loans, probably the greatest banking house in the world.
In 1935, in the wake of the Glass-Steagall Act that forced banks to split investment and commercial businesses, J.P.Morgan & Co set up the investment bank of Morgan Stanley (no punctuation at all) with J.P. Jnr’s son, Henry S, at the helm.

In 1959 the parent company shed its historic dots for the first time when it merged with Guaranty Trust to regain market share and became Morgan Guaranty.

Nearly 30 years later, in 1988, the institution briefly returned to its roots as J.P. Morgan and Co. Within a few years it was one of the top operators in the business of investment banking, where Junius had first made his name. Soon, however, the logo got “modernised” to JP Morgan.

In late 2000, its heritage was further submerged into JPMorgan Chase & Co after the bank was acquired by Chase Manhattan for $30.9bn.

And now it’s come full circle as J.P. Morgan & Co, Chase’s major investment bank. Old Junius would be pleased.

Intelligent communities

The EU needs new rules for internet downloads that would make it easier for people to access music and films without resorting to piracy, the bloc’s telecoms chief said recently.

Mapping out the priorities for the EU’s executive arm over the next five years, EU Telecommunications Commissioner Viviane Reding said it should consider new laws that would reconcile the interests of intellectual property owners and Internet surfers.

“It will therefore be my key priority to work on a simple, consumer friendly legal framework for accessing digital content in Europe’s single market, while ensuring, at the same time, fair remuneration (for) creators,” she told a seminar.

Current laws are ill-devised, she said, because they appear to force people, especially the young generation, to become internet pirates, or download content illegally. At the minute, this can only be combated by expert telecommunication support.

“Internet piracy appears to become more and more sexy, in particular for the ‘digital natives’,” she said, quoting a survey that showed that 60 percent of people aged 16-24 had downloaded audiovisual content over the past months without paying.

“Growing internet piracy is a vote of no-confidence in existing business models and legal solutions. It should be a wake-up call for policy makers,” she told the seminar, organised by the Lisbon Council think-tank.

Reding is expected to seek the telecoms portfolio again when the five-year term of the current commission ends in late 2009.

She said her other priority was to speed up the digitalisation of books, with 90 percent of books in European libraries no longer commercially available.

The commission should also seek to encourage payments with the use of mobile telephones by proposing common rules for them.

“The lack of common EU-wide standards and rules for ‘m-cash’ leaves the great potential of ‘m-commerce’ and the mobile web unexploited,” she said.

The commission will work to popularise video-conferencing to cut the number of business trips, which would lower emissions of gases responsible for global warming.

“If businesses in Europe were to replace only 20 percent of all business trips with video conferencing, we could save more than 22 million tonnes of C02 per year,” she said.

She also urged EU countries to accelerate the switchover from analogue to digital television to free up airwaves for other applications such as mobile broadband.

“I call on EU governments not to wait until 2012, the deadline for the switchover. They should bring these benefits to citizens now.”

Repressive ends

Reconciling global economic growth, especially in developing countries, with the intensifying constraints on global supplies of energy, food, land, and water is the great question of our time. Commodity prices are soaring worldwide, not only for hea

dline items like food and energy, but for metals, arable land, fresh water, and other crucial inputs to growth, because increased demand is pushing up against limited global supplies. Worldwide economic growth is already slowing under the pressures of €85-per-barrel oil and grain prices that have more than doubled in the past year.

A new global growth strategy is needed to maintain global economic progress. The basic issue is that the world economy is now so large that it is hitting against limits never before experienced.  There are 6.7 billion people, and the population continues to rise by around 75 million per year, notably in the world’s poorest countries. Annual output per person, adjusted for price levels in different parts of the world, averages around €6,000, implying total output of around €42trn.

The trade cavern
There is, of course, an enormous gap between rich countries, at roughly €25,000 per person, and the poorest, at €634 per person or less. But many poor countries, most famously China and India, have achieved extraordinary economic growth in recent years by harnessing cutting-edge technologies. As a result, the world economy has been growing at around five percent per year in recent years. At that rate, the world economy would double in size in 14 years. 

This is possible, however, only if the key growth inputs remain in ample supply, and if human-made climate change is counteracted. If the supply of vital inputs is constrained or the climate destabilised, prices will rise sharply, industrial production and consumer spending will fall, and world economic growth will slow, perhaps sharply.

Many free-market ideologues ridicule the idea that natural resource constraints will now cause a significant slowdown in global growth. They say that fears of “running out of resources,” notably food and energy, have been with us for 200 years, and we never succumbed. Indeed, output has continued to rise much faster than population.

This view has some truth. Better technologies have allowed the world economy to continue to grow despite tough resource constraints in the past. But simplistic free-market optimism is misplaced for at least four reasons.

Tightening the belt
First, history has already shown how resource constraints can hinder global economic growth. After the upward jump in energy prices in 1973, annual global growth fell from roughly five percent between 1960 and 1973 to around three percent between 1973 and 1989.

Second, the world economy is vastly larger than in the past, so that demand for key commodities and energy inputs is also vastly larger.

Third, we have already used up many of the low-cost options that were once available. Low-cost oil is rapidly being depleted. The same is true for ground water. Land is also increasingly scarce.

Finally, our past technological triumphs did not actually conserve natural resources, but instead enabled humanity to mine and use these resources at a lower overall cost, thereby hastening their depletion.

Looking ahead, the world economy will need to introduce alternative technologies that conserve energy, water, and land, or that enable us to use new forms of renewable energy (such as solar and wind power) at much lower cost than today. Many such technologies exist, and even better technologies can be developed. One key problem is that the alternative technologies are often more expensive than the resource-depleting technologies now in use. 

For example, farmers around the world could reduce their water use dramatically by switching from conventional irrigation to drip irrigation, which uses a series of tubes to deliver water directly to each plant while preserving or raising crop yields. Yet the investment in drip irrigation is generally more expensive than less-efficient irrigation methods. Poor farmers may lack the capital to invest in it, or may lack the incentive to do so if water is taken directly from publicly available sources or if the government is subsidising its use.

Similar examples abound. With greater investments, it will be possible to raise farm yields, lower energy use to heat and cool buildings, achieve greater fuel efficiency for cars, and more. With new investments in research and development, still further improvements in technologies can be achieved. Yet investments in new resource-saving technologies are not being made at a sufficient scale, because market signals don’t give the right incentives, and because governments are not yet cooperating adequately to develop and spread their use.

If we continue on our current course – leaving fate to the markets, and leaving governments to compete with each other over scarce oil and food – global growth will slow under the pressures of resource constraints. But if the world cooperates on the research, development, demonstration, and diffusion of resource-saving technologies and renewable energy sources, we will be able to continue to achieve rapid economic progress. 

A good place to start would be the climate-change negotiations, now underway. The rich world should commit to financing a massive program of technology development – renewable energy, fuel-efficient cars, and green buildings – and to a program of technology transfer to developing countries. Such a commitment would also give crucial confidence to poor countries that climate-change control will not become a barrier to long-term economic development.  

© Project Syndicate, 2009. www.project-syndicate.org

Leading family firms

In order to extend their legacy of success to future generations, leaders must devise a strategic plan, not only for driving business growth, but also for effectively managing the intricate and constantly-evolving personal relationships that define

their company, and indeed their lives.

The Stanford Graduate School of Business Office of Executive Education is launching a new program entitled Leading Family Firms, that seeks to provide leaders of independent firms with the skills they need to rise to the challenges posed by the modern business environment. In essence the course explains how to manage future growth while overcoming the challenges and conflicts that threaten the legacy of their firms. In doing so, participants learn to apply a higher level of strategic thinking to all of the obstacles that they must overcome in turning a currently successful family firm into a future global business champion.

Challenges
The main objective of any business is to grow, but there are many considerations that a leader must face in order to achieve this.

One of the initial and principal challenges that faces a family business is the organisational structure of the company. It is imperative that the business has in place the correct management team, one that is well-equipped to drive the company forward and in the correct direction. Furthermore, from the outset, the leader of a family business must take a long-term view, and the key consideration in this is succession planning. A strong management team can provide the cornerstone when the time comes to begin thinking about a change in ownership.

Professor Hayagreeva Rao is a Director of Stanford’s Centre for Leadership Development and Research, and one of the new program’s instructors. “From the beginnings of the company’s life, certain structures and systems need to be in place in order to help nurture family talent. Education is a key attribute, as potential future business leaders need to be equipped with the right skills to manage a business,” he says.

“In addition to this, it is vital that family members learn the ‘nuts and bolts’ of the company, so that they understand every aspect and every component of the business,” says Professor Rao. In this way it is vital that the family puts in place adequate provisions to ensure the development of potential successors, as this will also ensure the continued development of the business itself.

Another key challenge, inextricably linked to the growth of a business, is that of innovation. Here, a methodical approach needs to be adopted. There is a strong call for a clear strategy when it comes to product development, as substantial time and resources can easily be spent producing a limited discernible outcome.

“A growing business is in many ways similar to a venture capital firm,” says Professor Rao, “as it is an environment where new ideas and products are fostered. When it comes to product innovation, products that are in the pipeline need to be tested internally, using the venture capital model. Testing of products needs to be undertaken over different stages of development, with capital only applied to the product once it has successfully completed each round of testing.”

And when it comes to raising capital, the leader of a family business also needs to be prepared. “Raising funds can be a tricky period for the family business, whether it involves assuming debt, a venture capital investment or a listing on the public markets,” says Professor Rao.

Different leaders have different attitudes towards risk, so loan funding may not always be attractive, whereas the loss of control of a large proportion of their business may deter many from taking on venture funding. And the prospect of an IPO may instil fears of a loss of family identity.

“Raising capital is very much a question of psychology and finance,” says Professor Rao, “and it is important to maintain a balance between family and business; it is vital that neither the business nor the family position is weakened at the expense of the other.”

Sometimes this requires innovative solutions. “I know of one Dallas-based media firm that split into two distinct parts; one part was kept under family ownership, and the other was made public. It is vital to consider what is best for each individual business, and no two firms are the same.”

Globalisation also poses considerable challenges. On the one hand, often the leader of a family business relishes the prospect of expanding his firm – of establishing a global footprint. On the other hand, however, in doing so he faces the real possibility of diluting the family’s identity, and this is an emotional decision to take.

Furthermore, the question of where to globalise is critical, and to what extent. “It is really a question of scaling,” says Professor Rao, “if the business over-scales it is liable to over-stretch itself and weaken, but if it doesn’t stretch far enough there is the threat that someone else will take advantage of your shortfalls.”

To address these challenges the program closely examines case studies of companies that have globalised successfully, as well as those that have failed. It also offers the opportunity to meet the leaders of these companies.

“Smart companies make change look very simple,” says Professor Rao, “and they keep globalisation simple.”

Who should apply?
The program is aimed at companies meeting three criteria; those in which members of one family are significant shareholders, those in which at least one family member is active in top management or the board, and those that have substantial assets and/or widely distributed operations.

Application to the program is open to family members involved in any aspect of the firm, including board members, top executives, future company leaders, significant shareholders, family foundation managers, and spouses of key decision makers. Furthermore, senior executives and board members from outside the family who actively participate in the business are also invited to apply.

Participants of the program have diverse backgrounds; representing a wide array of businesses across many sectors, and originating from many global locations. In this way program participants are able to bring to the forum the various issues that affect businesses the world over. Participants are invited to use the program as a ‘mirror and a window’; the mirror enables them to observe themselves and the way they run their business, and the window enables them to look out at other people and see their issues and solutions.

During the four-month break between classroom modules, participants take part in a unique experience that challenges them to put their newly acquired knowledge into action. Based on their learnings during the first module, participants work with program faculty to design a structured leadership project to implement during the break. In addition to discussing status reports with program faculty, participants share their experiences and solicit feedback from fellow participants along the way, bridging the gap between classroom theory and practical application.

Is it for you?
This is a program that challenges the leaders of family firms to confront the often latent tensions underlying the inevitable decisions that lay ahead, whether they involve strategic direction, family control, outsider involvement, tradition versus change, succession planning, or philanthropy. By taking part in an innovative curriculum that includes an intensive personal leadership project, participants learn to apply a higher level of strategic thinking to all of the obstacles that they must overcome in turning a currently successful family firm into a future global business champion. n

For further information www.leadingfamilyfirms.com

Defending the indefensible

For a brief moment in October it seemed as if the world’s financial systems were about to implode. What was once unthinkable, and if we are to believe many financial models, unimaginable, was actually happening. Rock solid corporations were crumbling, governments that had long espoused free market capitalism were rushing to bail out banks, in many cases through part or complete nationalisation.

As is always the case, along with the woe, there was plenty of finger wagging. A once in a lifetime financial crisis is bound to be accompanied by some serious recrimination. And so it has proved.

In the frame are a number of people and practises associated with the crisis. But perhaps three are mentioned more than most as the principle offenders: banking bonuses; light touch regulation; and financial innovation. All three have been identified as culprits at the heart of the current debacle. But how culpable are they?

Executive compensation and the bonus system
The accusation: The compensation system for many employees in the financial services industry is rigged in a way that encourages and rewards excessive risk taking.
When those risks pay off, profits are privatised in the form of huge salaries and bonuses for senior executives, traders and other employees. Yet when the risks prove a bridge too far, resulting in staggering losses, and, in some cases, destroying companies and billions of dollars in value, the losses are socialised. Banks are recapitalised. Ordinary shareholders and taxpayers lose out.

Plus golden parachute deals, and other aspects of executive compensation, mean that senior executives can still receive significant payoffs when they step down (or are removed), despite presiding over, and presumably approving, the risky, often highly leveraged activities that underpin the slump in the value of many financial stocks.

In defence: If you don’t pay the market rate, the best talent will go elsewhere, whether it is another firm, or another industry. Moreover, financial service firms operate in a global market. So the level of compensation must match the best available globally.

And only a small number of people have the experience and skills required to operate as senior executives, or in various specialist jobs, at firms like commercial or investment banks. Therefore these people can justify what might appear extravagant compensation deals, including golden handcuffs and parachutes. Also, employees need incentives to perform well; the greater the incentive, the better the performance. The prospect of significant profit related bonuses as a major percentage of a compensation plan, drives performance.

The verdict: It is true that in competitive markets, firms must pay attractive rates to attract talent. This needs addressing. If people are rewarded according to performance, then some will be tempted to focus on hitting short-term targets to trigger maximum rewards rather than concentrating on the long-term consequences of the business they are doing.

One suggestion is to introduce some kind of time and performance linked provision with bonuses, such as placing them in escrow, thus allowing claw back in the case of poor performance. As for the global market for talent argument, that is not persuasive. The compensation differential may need to be fairly significant to get people to uproot their lives and relocate to another country. And it should not be assumed that experience gained in one country or market will translate to another.

Light touch regulation
The accusation: That the financial services industry failed to appreciate lessons learnt following US stock market crashes in 1907 and 1929. After the 1907 crash, betting on whether shares went up or down without actually owning those stocks was outlawed. After the 1929 Wall Street Crash, the Glass-Steagall Act passed in 1933 separated the operations of commercial and investment banking.

By the 1970s, however, despite decades of relative financial systemic stability, senior executives grew restless for better growth and shareholder returns. The Glass-Steagall Act was finally repealed in 1999. The Commodity Futures Modernisation Act of 2000 removed derivatives from federal oversight, and rendered the bucket shop laws obsolete.

It is no coincidence that, as the regulations were relaxed, systemic financial crises mounted up.

In defence: External regulation stifles financial innovation, and the ability of firms to provide the best service for their customers, and the maximum value for shareholders. Compliance with external regulation is often very costly, having an adverse competitive impact on business within a particular jurisdiction, with respect to businesses outside that jurisdiction. While oversight is required, it is best provided by the people who have the most appropriate industry specific experience – in this case the financial services sector itself. This is a free market after all, and supply and demand should be left to fend for themselves.

The verdict: The concept of self regulation has been hugely discredited in the wake of the current crisis. Surely if light touch regulation is effective the global financial system wouldn’t be in this mess. However, with the financial services sector playing a significant role in economic growth, particularly in the US and UK, governments are reluctant to interfere when things appear to be going well. And financial institutions are a powerful lobbying force.

Inadequate regulation has played a fundamental role in the credit crisis. But, despite the obvious regulatory shortcomings, and the expected tightening of the regulatory environment through legislation in the short term, history suggests that after an initial rush to regulate, lobbying by powerful corporations, and the lure of significant returns, will once again lead to deregulation over the longer term.

Financial innovation
The accusation: Warren Buffett is right – derivatives are financial weapons of mass destruction. Brilliant engineers at investment banks used their talents to create exotic financial instruments, which in turn were used, among other things, to move loan default risk away from lenders to other investors, and in ways that make it very difficult to understand the level of risk involved in the underlying investment.

Collateral debt obligations (CDOs), as sub-prime mortgages, bundled together, sliced up, repackaged, credit rated and sold on, were used to create a vehicle for speculation on the repayment of mortgages. Then credit default swaps, a $54trn market, invented ostensibly to be able to hedge the risk of default on the CDOs, were used to bet on the future solvency of companies.

In defence: Financial innovation is essential for economic growth. After all, many aspects of finance that we take for granted, such as credit cards, or mortgages, are the product of financial innovation. Nor is there anything intrinsically wrong with derivatives. They are an important and useful device for reducing risk through hedging strategies.

The verdict: One unfortunate outcome from the existing crisis is that financial innovation has a bad reputation. Yet it must be encouraged, not legislated. Alongside that innovation must be transparency. Derivatives are a $500trn market. Credit default swaps a $50trn market. These products need to be regulated and traded in transparent markets. Financial innovation is a good thing, providing it is used responsibly.

Regulators could ensure that originators of loans, and those parties that sell them on, are required to leave some risk on their own books, rather than offloading to a third party, thus leaving the originators of the loans, and those that securitise them, with no incentive to do due diligence.

Sins of the few

A central banker to his finger tips, Jean-Pierre Roth said it through clenched teeth: “We are not giving UBS a present”. Here was the head of the Swiss National Bank, the bailiff of bank bail-outs, not to mention the current chairman of the BIS, doing exactly what he said he wasn’t. Namely, giving Switzerland’s most unpopular bank a gift-wrapped package.

The taxpayer will pick up 90 percent of UBS’s toxic debt through the ministry’s $53bn rescue package. Hard-headed observers like Rudolf Strahm, Switzerland’s retired price regulator, point out that even a 300 percent increase in value won’t lift much of the burden off the government/taxpayer.
It is hard to see where UBS is taking the hit, except that it is very much in the hands of the Swiss authorities who will show little mercy.

You cannot blame Mr Roth for putting a brave face on a bail-out that must have pained him deeply, especially as he lambasted US banks way back in August 2007 for their disgraceful lending practices.

Now that the capital-boosting regulations demanded by Basel II have been deemed to be fatally flawed, mainly because they left the job of internal risk assessment to the banks and various incompetent third parties, the whole issue is up for grabs and the hard-liners are in the ascendant.

The Swiss have often punched above their weight in the great regulatory debates and the view of Mr Roth will be important, particularly as head of the BIS but also because of his remarkable prescience throughout this crisis.

Way back in 2007, he predicted “massive losses” across the financial sector. And even before then, as early as December 2006 when most regulators were still hibernating from reality, he warned that we were not facing “lasting prosperity”.

As he told reporters recently: “From a central bank point of view, more [capital] is better than less.”

You can see why, when UBS’s final provision against bad debts comes out at around fifty times higher than its original estimate.

He’s also winning support from the private sector. For one, new Fortis Chief Executive Herman Verwilst muses: “Under Basel II one thought [that] if we measure risks adequately, then we as banks can operate with less capital. That image has changed completely. Perhaps one should hold even more capital.”

There’s an element of retribution in much bank-talk. As Richard Meier, former head of the Swiss stock exchange, warned recently: “Many of the discussions in US, Germany and other countries sound more like taking revenge on these banks rather than helping them.”

However, we now face the danger of the blunt instrument, a response to the crisis that could end up by bludgeoning banks so hard they have difficulty in producing legitimate profits off sensible multiples of leverage.

While sky-high provisioning might indeed have warded off at least the worst of this crisis (for now), there may be simpler, cheaper and in the long-run safer methods of fire-proofing the banks.

George Soros makes the point that profitable banks are generally the safest.

Specifically, he suggests that Hank Paulson’s recapitalisation scheme should be temporarily accompanied by lower minimum capital requirements “so that banks compete for new business. This would also make sense, argues the great fund manager, in the event of the continuing decline in house prices, which of course also affect banks’ capital integrity.

Then with the panic over, normality should strike. “Once the economy returns to normal, minimum capital requirements of banks would be raised again”. This is not the time to punish all the banking sector for the sins of a few.

Indubitably, bank capital-asset ratios have been at historically low levels. According to the BIS, they stand at an average of about seven percent of total assets on a non-risk-weighted basis. And many banks have implicitly recognised this by mega programmes of recapitalisation.

However this has taken the form of panic responses to the frozen interbank markets which, in turn, were triggered by lousy risk assessment programmes.
Here we may have the solution. As more detached observers suggest, why not just improve the method of risk assessment? Ultimately an exercise in best practice, it would be undertaken by gilt-edged third parties rather than left to the banks.

The next thing to address would be the speed of response through, say, the “prompt correction action” procedures that worked so well in the nineties in the US. As Professor Harold Benink points out, a PCA system would have got bank supervisors running at the double into institutions whose capital levels were triggering flashing red lights.

Thus the best banks are not punished by the sins of the few. As Mr Roth knows better than anybody, Switzerland’s regional banks in the communes and cantons acted far more responsibly than UBS.

Europe’s financial vulnerability

The most notable innovations of the past two decades have been financial. Like technological innovation, financial innovation is concerned with the perpetual search for greater efficiency – in this case, reducing the cost of transferring funds from savers to investors. Cost reductions that represent a net benefit to society should be regarded favorably. But as the current financial crisis demonstrates, where financial innovation is designed to circumvent regulation or taxation, we need to be more circumspect.

Sadly, the financial revolution has been mostly rent-seeking rather than welfare-enhancing in character. It has been based on eliminating, or at least reducing, two key elements of banking costs closely associated with prudential arrangements.

One is the need for banks and other financial institutions to hold liquid reserves. The less liquid a bank’s assets, the greater the need for such reserves. But the yield on such reserves is small, so economizing on them is profitable. Last year’s Northern Rock debacle in the United Kingdom will long remain an example of how not to manage such risk.

Moreover, increasing a bank’s leverage can be very profitable when returns on investments exceed the cost of funding. Reckless balance-sheet expansion in pursuit of profit is kept in check if financial companies adhere to statutory capital requirements, which mandate a capital-asset ratio of about 8%. But many have sought to ignore this restriction, to their cost: the Carlyle Capital Corporation, a subsidiary of the United States-based Carlyle Group, was leveraged up to 32 times – it held one dollar of capital for every 32 dollars of assets – before adverse market developments wiped out the company.

Avoidance of prudential requirements is at the core of today’s financial crisis, exacerbated by the collapse of confidence in a system based on trust. This has exposed the fragility of the banking system, including quasi-banking institutions, as revealed by Bears Sterns, Lehman Brothers, and other US investment banks, and in Europe by Northern Rock, UBS, WestLB, and many more.

Perhaps the most tragic aspect of this story is the exploitation of low-income families involved in the so-called sub-prime mortgage crisis, whereby variable-rate mortgages were offered to customers with a low credit rating. In fact, “variable rate” is a misnomer, since these mortgages’ artificially low initial interest rates were pre-programmed to include a big rate hike after a couple of years. Thereafter, rates would rise with market rates, but never fall when market rates declined. This structure could only have been devised to suck in as many customers as possible with scant regard for long-term consequences.

With the property market booming, prospective capital gains promised untold wealth. And most mortgage holders probably expected to refinance their mortgages before their rising interest-rate trebled or quadrupled monthly repayments. Another hoped-for benefit was that capital gains could be converted into home equity loans, boosting homeowners’ living standards.

The rude awakening came when property values began to decline. For those without an equity cushion, refinancing was not a possibility, and rising interest rates have led to default, foreclosure, and homelessness.

Now we hear that sub-prime mortgage holders have only themselves to blame. No one talks of the bank manager, under pressure to sell “financial products” and eager to sign up customers, even if the products were not in a customer’s best interest. The banker did not question a bonus system that favors one year of super profits, followed by bankruptcy, over two years of moderate, but stable, results.

It is astonishing that sub-prime mortgages and their like were repackaged and resold in securitized form. That these collateralized mortgage obligations (CMOs, or bonds backed by a pool of mortgages) found a ready market, both in the US and abroad, reflects failure on several fronts.

The nature of these CMOs should have been apparent to risk managers. Any financially literate fund manager knows that risk and return are positively correlated. Any fund manager who claims to have been deluded by the apparently favorable risk-yield characteristics of CMOs or related credit instruments can be accused of having fallen for Milton Friedman’s “free lunch.” Risk models do not justify abandoning one’s natural sense of incredulity.

In a world where capital is free to flow across international boundaries, the crisis in the US has spread to Europe. This is a new form of contagion, which transcends national boundaries and is amplified by an international crisis of confidence. This is why the global problem today is many times greater than the Savings & Loan crisis of the 1980’s and 1990’s, which cost American taxpayers an estimated $150 billion to clean up.

Today, the global integration of financial markets means that problems can pop up anywhere, at any time. Central banks are currently attempting to plug one leak as the next appears. But if the financial system’s dykes collapse, we may be headed for a decade of severe deflation, rendering expansionary stimulus useless.

When the US Federal Reserve was created in 1913, its most important function was to serve as a lender of last resort to troubled banks, providing emergency liquidity via the discount facility. The current crisis suggests that this is no longer enough. Central banks worldwide are being forced to act as market makers of last resort in securities markets. The signs are already visible.

The European Central Bank has also failed to tackle local bubbles in Europe. The justification was that the ECB is concerned with inflation, not relative price adjustments. This means that monetary policy is geared towards the needs of large countries, like Germany, not to those of, say, Belgium. But, given the scale of the threat to Europe’s economy from a full-blown financial crisis, this apologia for inactivity has outlived its usefulness.

Copyright: Project Syndicate/Europe’s World, 2008.

A waiting game

The OECD sounded cautiously optimistic when it published its latest economic outlook in the middle of September. “Banks appear to have recognised most of the losses and write-downs related to sub-prime based securities,” it said. Yet within days, Lehman Brothers had slumped into bankruptcy protection, Bank of America had stepped in to bail our Merrill Lynch – buying it for about €35bn, half its value a year ago – and AIG was asking the Federal Reserve for a €28bn bridging loan.

That, of course, is the risk of making forecasts in such turbulent times. No doubt the irony of the timing was clear in Nice, France, where the EU’s finance ministers just happened to be holding a get together. At the top of their agenda: how to respond to financial turmoil and economic downturn.

The ministers decided to provide extra lending for small firms but ruled out public spending on the large scale seen in the US, which has spent €70bn on tax rebates in an effort to spur economic growth. The EU’s public lending arm, the European Investment Bank, is going to double the loans it makes available to small and medium-sized companies, which, because of the credit crunch, are finding it harder to secure finance from commercial banks. It will lend around €30bn over the next three years.

“We’re not simply adopting a ‘wait and see’ policy, we are not going to sit on our hands,” said French Economy Minister Christine Lagarde, who was hosting the event. “We need to make sure that our economies perform well.” Indeed they do, as the economic outlook for the Eurozone is bleak.

Inflation remains the policy priority, as ECB President Jean-Claude Trichet pointed at after the meeting. Soaring oil and food prices have pushed inflation up in the past year. The annual rate of Eurozone inflation hit a record four percent in July but has since eased a little after oil prices retreated from a high of more than €103 a barrel. The ECB has refused to reduce interest rates – which would encourage growth, but could also push up inflation. Its last move was to increase rates to 4.25 percent from four percent, on the grounds that inflation had to be tamed.

It’ll be interesting to see whether the ECB sticks to its strict line on rates. In April, the consensus view among policymakers was that Europe was not at risk of recession. With hindsight, that was hopelessly optimistic. Three days before the ministers got together in Nice, the European Commission cut its Eurozone growth forecast for this year to 1.3 percent from the 1.7 percent it predicted in April. It forecast growth of 1.4 percent for the broader EU group – including those, like the UK, that do not have the euro. That’s a big drop on the two percent it predicted in April. One reason for the change of heart is that, since April, gross domestic product in the Eurozone has shrunk – the first time the eurozone has experienced a quarter of GDP contraction since it was created in 1999.

Recession recession recession
That means the Eurozone is on the brink of a recession – it just needs another quarter of GDP shrinkage to fulfill the technical definition. However, the Commission is clinging to its optimism. It still forecasts that the overall Eurozone economy will stagnate rather than contract in the third quarter – although at national level it predicts that Germany will dip into a brief recession, followed by Spain and the UK.

Indeed, recession for some EU states seems now inevitable, even if its politicians refuse to use the word, for fear of making things worse (“Germany is not in a recession but in a downturn,” German Finance Minister Peer Steinbrueck told journalists in Nice).

Elsewhere, there is a willingness to face reality. Before setting off to Nice, the UK delegation had to digest a new economic forecast from the Confederation of British Industry, an influential lobby group. It said the UK would slip into recession in the second half of 2008 – albeit a “shallow” one – and that growth in the economy in 2009 will be the lowest since 1992.

It downgraded its growth forecast for 2008 from 1.7 percent to 1.1 percent and said economic output would shrink by 0.2 percent quarter-on-quarter between July and September, followed by a further 0.1 percent decline in the fourth quarter.

Its good news was that GDP should stabilise early in 2009 ahead of a gradual and growing recovery, with quarter-on-quarter GDP growth reaching a near-trend rate of 0.6 percent by the end of next year. Nevertheless, for 2009 as a whole, the GDP growth forecast has been cut from 1.3 percent to 0.3 percent.

Better news is that it expects inflation to peak at 4.8 percent this quarter, and thanks to an easing in commodity prices and the weaker economy, to fall back rapidly over 2009, reaching close to the Bank of England’s two percent target by the fourth quarter (2.3 percent). There is even a significant risk that, into 2010, inflation will undershoot the bank’s target.

This cheery view of the inflationary outlook should allow the Bank of England to make a series of rate cuts, bring the base rate down to four percent by next spring. “The bank should have leeway to cut interest rates and, as inflation falls, we should be well placed to move beyond this difficult stage in the business cycle,” said CBI director general Richard Lambert. “If all goes well there should be room for a half point cut in November to help restore confidence in the beleaguered economy.”

That’s if all goes well. “Over the past year our forecasts for economic growth have been shaved lower and lower as the UK economy continues to struggle with the twin impact of higher energy and commodity prices and the credit crunch,” Lambert added. “Having experienced a rapid loss of momentum in the economy over the first half of 2008, the UK may have entered a mild recession that will hopefully prove short lived. This is not a return to the 1990s, when job cuts and a slump in demand were far more prolonged. The squeeze on household incomes and company profit margins from higher costs will begin to ease as the price of oil moves downwards and, although the credit crunch will be with us for some time, conditions are set to improve later in 2009.”

Dark outlook
The CBI believes that UK unemployment will break the two million mark in 2009, reaching 2.01 million and a jobless rate of 6.5 percent. Average earnings growth is expected to remain subdued, which will aid the improving inflation outlook. Sharp rises in fuel and food costs, the resulting decline in real incomes and the troubled housing market have undermined consumer confidence and dampened household spending, and the CBI predicts that household consumption will contract by 0.3 percent in 2009.

Forecasts for investment have been downgraded, with fixed investment now expected to shrink by 3.5 percent in 2008 and by four percent next year, compared with flat growth predictions in the last CBI forecast. Much of this decline comes from the weak outlook for investment in buildings, as both residential and commercial property markets continue to struggle.

Is this relative optimism justified? The OECD’s global headline trends seem to be improving, but its forecasters are very cautious about making predictions right now. “Limited experience with some of the main drivers of the current conjuncture as well as uncertainty about some specific influences make for a particularly unclear picture,” it says, which roughly translated means: we haven’t seen anything like this before and we don’t want to come out of it looking like idiots.

Nevertheless, the OECD does venture that in the euro area and its three largest economies, as well as in the UK, economic activity is foreseen to remain broadly flat. More widely, Japan will see only a partial bounce-back and the situation in the US is still tough to call.

Globally, the OECD says financial market turmoil, housing market downturns and high commodity prices continue will continue to bear down on growth. “Continued financial turmoil appears to reflect increasingly signs of weakness in the real economy, itself partly a product of lower credit supply and asset prices,” it said. “The eventual depth and extent of financial disruption is still uncertain, however, with potential further losses on housing and construction finance being one source of concern.”

The downturn in housing markets is still unfolding, with reduced credit supply likely to add to the pressure. US house prices continue to fall, threatening further defaults and foreclosures that may again depress prices and boost credit losses. As regards construction, however, there are some hints of eventual stabilisation with permits and sales of new homes having ceased to fall and inventories of unsold houses coming down. In Europe, downturns in prices and construction activity appear to be spreading beyond Denmark, Ireland, Spain and the UK, with sharply lower transaction volumes a precursor of downturns elsewhere.

On commodities, the OECD notes that the price of oil has fallen from peaks reached around the middle of the year in response to slower demand growth and record production from OPEC. Oil supply conditions remain tight, however, contributing to volatile prices. Prices of other commodities – notably food – appear to have steadied at high levels. Food commodity prices may ease in the period ahead as droughts end in some food-exporting countries and as higher food production comes on stream.

On inflation, the OECD says that sharp increases in energy and food prices have boosted headline rates and sapped real incomes of consumers across the OECD area. Statistical measures of underlying inflation have also drifted up in most large OECD economies, partly reflecting the ongoing feed through of higher commodity prices. Wage increases have been broadly contained, so far. Its prediction: “If commodity prices are sustained at their recent, and in cases such as oil, lower levels some moderation of both headline and underlying inflation is to be expected.”

What should policymakers do in this tough climate? Pretty much what they are doing now, according to the OECD. In the US, underlying inflation is high but appears not to have drifted up further. The continuing credit crunch justifies Washington’s efforts to boost the economy with tax cuts. In the eurozone, underlying inflation has been rising steadily for some time, suggesting that capacity pressures need to be reduced, says the OECD. A recession would achieve that nicely, so there is no need to change policy. If action were needed, the OECD would rather see interest rate cuts than higher spending or tax reductions.

The message seems to be this: politicians and policymakers in the US, the eurozone and elsewhere have done all they can to avoid a deeper economic crisis. Now we just have to cross our fingers and wait.

The roots of America’s financial crisis

The US Federal Reserve’s desperate attempts to keep America’s economy from sinking are remarkable for at least two reasons. First, until just a few months ago, the conventional wisdom was that the US would avoid recession. Now recession looks certain. Second, the Fed’s actions do not seem to be effective. Although interest rates have been slashed and the Fed has lavished liquidity on cash-strapped banks, the crisis is deepening.

To a large extent, the US crisis was actually made by the Fed, helped by the wishful thinking of the Bush administration. One main culprit was none other than Alan Greenspan, who left the current Fed Chairman, Ben Bernanke, with a terrible situation. But Bernanke was a Fed governor in the Greenspan years, and he, too, failed to diagnose correctly the growing problems with its policies.

Today’s financial crisis has its immediate roots in 2001, amid the end of the Internet boom and the shock of the September 11 terrorist attacks. It was at that point that the Fed turned on the monetary spigots to try to combat an economic slowdown. The Fed pumped money into the US economy and slashed its main interest rate – the Federal Funds rate – from 3.5% in August 2001 to a mere 1% by mid-2003. The Fed held this rate too low for too long.

Monetary expansion generally makes it easier to borrow, and lowers the costs of doing so, throughout the economy. It also tends to weaken the currency and increase inflation. All of this began to happen in the US.

What was distinctive this time was that the new borrowing was concentrated in housing. It is generally true that lower interest rates spur home buying, but this time, as is now well known, commercial and investment banks created new financial mechanisms to expand housing credit to borrowers with little creditworthiness. The Fed declined to regulate these dubious practices. Virtually anyone could borrow to buy a house, with little or even no down payment, and with interest charges pushed years into the future.

As the home-lending boom took hold, it became self-reinforcing. Greater home buying pushed up housing prices, which made banks feel that it was safe to lend money to non-creditworthy borrowers. After all, if they defaulted on their loans, the banks would repossess the house at a higher value. Or so the theory went. Of course, it works only as long as housing prices rise. Once they peak and begin to decline, lending conditions tighten, and banks find themselves repossessing houses whose value does not cover the value of the debt.

What was stunning was how the Fed, under Greenspan’s leadership, stood by as the credit boom gathered steam, barreling toward a subsequent crash. There were a few naysayers, but not many in the financial sector itself. Banks were too busy collecting fees on new loans, and paying their managers outlandish bonuses.

At a crucial moment in 2005, while he was a governor but not yet Fed Chairman, Bernanke described the housing boom as reflecting a prudent and well-regulated financial system, not a dangerous bubble. He argued that vast amounts of foreign capital flowed through US banks to the housing sector because international investors appreciated “the depth and sophistication of the country’s financial markets (which among other things have allowed households easy access to housing wealth).”

In the course of 2006 and 2007, the financial bubble that is now bringing down once-mighty financial institutions peaked. Banks’ balance sheets were by then filled with vast amounts of risky mortgages, packaged in complicated forms that made the risks hard to evaluate. Banks began to slow their new lending, and defaults on mortgages began to rise. Housing prices peaked as lending slowed, and prices then started to decline. The housing bubble was bursting by last fall, and banks with large mortgage holdings started reporting huge losses, sometimes big enough to destroy the bank itself, as in the case of Bear Stearns.

With the housing collapse lowering spending, the Fed, in an effort to ward off recession and help banks with fragile balance sheets, has been cutting interest rates since the fall of 2007. But this time, credit expansion is not flowing into housing construction, but rather into commodity speculation and foreign currency.

The Fed’s easy money policy is now stoking US inflation rather than a recovery. Oil, food, and gold prices have jumped to historic highs, and the dollar has depreciated to historic lows. A Euro now costs around $1.60, up from $0.90 in January 2002. Yet the Fed, in its desperation to avoid a US recession, keeps pouring more money into the system, intensifying the inflationary pressures.

Having stoked a boom, now the Fed can’t prevent at least a short-term decline in the US economy, and maybe worse. If it pushes too hard on continued monetary expansion, it won’t prevent a bust but instead could create stagflation – inflation and economic contraction. The Fed should take care to prevent any breakdown of liquidity while keeping inflation under control and avoiding an unjustified taxpayer-financed bailout of risky bank loans.

Throughout the world, there may be some similar effects, to the extent that foreign banks also hold bad US mortgages on their balance sheets, or in the worst case, if a general financial crisis takes hold. There is still a good chance, however, that the US downturn will be limited mainly to America, where the housing boom and bust is concentrated. The damage to the rest of the world economy, I believe, can remain limited.

The specter of global stagflation

Inflation is already rising in many advanced economies and emerging markets, and there are signs of likely economic contraction in many advanced economies (the United States, the United Kingdom, Spain, Ireland, Italy, Portugal, and Japan). In emerging markets, inflation has – so far – been associated with growth, even economic overheating. But economic contraction in the US and other advanced economies may lead to a growth recoupling – rather than decoupling – in emerging markets, as the US contraction slows growth and rising inflation forces monetary authorities to tighten monetary and credit policies. They may then face “stagflation lite” – rising inflation tied to sharply slowing growth.

Stagflation requires a negative supply-side shock that increases prices while simultaneously reducing output. Stagflationary shocks led to global recession three times in the last 35 years: in 1973-1975, when oil prices spiked following the Yom Kippur War and OPEC embargo; in 1979-1980, following the Iranian Revolution; and in 1990-91, following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Even the 2001 recession – mostly triggered by the bursting high-tech bubble – was accompanied by a doubling of oil prices, following the start of the second Palestinian intifada against Israel.

The ‘r’ word
Today, a stagflationary shock may result from an Israeli attack against Iran’s nuclear facilities. This geopolitical risk mounted in recent weeks as Israel has grown alarmed about Iran’s intentions. Such an attack would trigger sharp increases in oil prices – to well above €130 a barrel. The consequences of such a spike would be a major global recession, such as those of 1973, 1979, and 1990. Indeed, the most recent rise in oil prices is partly due to the increase in this fear premium.

But short of such a negative supply-side shock, is global stagflation possible? Between 2004-2006 global growth was robust while inflation was low, owing to a positive global supply shock – the increase in productivity and productive capacity of China, India and emerging markets.

This positive supply-side shock was followed – starting in 2006 – by a positive global demand shock: fast growth in “Chindia” and other emerging markets started to put pressure on the prices of a variety of commodities. Strong global growth in 2007 marked the beginning of a rise in global inflation, a phenomenon that, with some caveats (the sharp slowdown in the US and some advanced economies), continued into 2008.

An unlikely scenerio?
Barring a true negative supply-side shock, global stagflation is thus unlikely. Recent rises in oil, energy and other commodity prices reflect a variety of factors:

High growth in demand for oil and other commodities among fast-growing and urbanising emerging-market economies is occurring at a time when capacity constraints and political instability in some producing countries is limiting their supply.
The weakening US dollar is pushing the dollar price of oil higher as oil exporters’ purchasing power in non-dollar regions declines.
Investors’ discovery of commodities as an asset class is fueling both speculative and long-term demand.
The diversion of land to bio-fuels production has reduced the land available to produce agricultural commodities.
Easy US monetary policy, followed by monetary easing in countries that formally pegged their exchange rates to the US dollar (as in the Gulf) or that maintain undervalued currencies to achieve export-led growth (China and other informal members of the so-called Bretton Woods 2 dollar zone) has fueled a new asset bubble in commodities and overheating of their economies.

Most of these factors are akin to positive global aggregate demand shocks, which should lead to economic overheating and a rise in global inflation.

Exchange rate policies are key. Large current-account surpluses and/or rising terms of trade imply that the equilibrium real exchange rate (the relative price of foreign to domestic goods) has appreciated in countries like China and Russia. Thus, over time the actual real exchange rate needs to converge – via real appreciation – with the stronger equilibrium rate. If the nominal exchange rate is not permitted to appreciate, real appreciation can occur only through an increase in domestic inflation.

So the most important way to control inflation – while regaining the monetary and credit policy autonomy needed to control inflation – is to allow currencies in these economies to appreciate significantly. Unfortunately, the need for currency appreciation and monetary tightening in overheated emerging markets comes at a time when the housing bust, credit crunch, and high oil prices are leading to a sharp slowdown in advanced economies – and outright recession in some of them.

The world has come full circle. Following a benign period of a positive global supply shock, a positive global demand shock has led to global overheating and rising inflationary pressures. Now the worries are about a stagflationary supply shock – say, a war with Iran – coupled with a deflationary demand shock as housing bubbles go bust. Deflationary pressure could take hold in economies that are contracting, while inflationary pressures increase in economies that are still growing fast.

Thus, central banks in many advanced and emerging economies are facing a nightmare scenario, in which they simultaneously must tighten monetary policy (to fight inflation) and ease it (to reduce the downside risks to growth). As inflation and growth risks combine in varied and complex ways in different economies, it will be very difficult for central bankers to juggle these contradictory imperatives.

Nouriel Roubini is Professor of Economics at the Stern School of Business, New York University, and Chairman of RGE Monitor

© Project Syndicate, 2008

The dark side of financial globalisation

Blame should go to the phenomenon of ‘securitisation.’ In the past, banks kept their loans and mortgages on their books, retaining the credit risk. For example, during the housing bust in the United States in the late 1980’s, many banks that were mortgage lenders went belly up, leading to a banking crisis, a credit crunch, and a recession in 1990-91.

This systemic risk – a financial shock leading to severe economic contagion – was supposed to be reduced by securitisation. Financial globalisation meant that banks no longer held assets like mortgages on their books, but packaged them in asset-backed securities that were sold to investors in capital markets worldwide, thereby distributing risk more widely.

So what went wrong?
The problem was not just sub-prime mortgages. The same reckless lending practices – no down-payments, no verification of borrowers’ incomes and assets, interest-rate-only mortgages, negative amortisation, teaser rates – occurred in more than 50 percent of all US mortgages in 2005-2007. Because securitisation meant that banks were not carrying the risk and earned fees for transactions, they no longer cared about the quality of their lending.

Indeed, there is now a chain of financial intermediaries – mortgage brokers, the banks that package these loans into mortgage-backed securities (MBS’s), and investment banks that re-package MBS’s in tranches of collateralised debt obligations, or CDO’s (and sometimes into CDO’s of CDO’s) – earning fees without bearing the credit risk.

Moreover, credit rating agencies had serious conflicts of interest, because they received fees from these instruments’ managers, while regulators sat on their hands, as the US regulatory philosophy was free-market fundamentalism. Finally, the investors who bought MBS’s and CDO’s could not do otherwise than to believe misleading ratings, given the near impossibility of pricing these complex, exotic, and illiquid instruments.

Reckless lending also prevailed in the leveraged buyout market, the leveraged loan market, and the asset-backed commercial paper market. Small wonder, then, that when the sub-prime market blew up, these markets also froze. Because the size of the losses was unknown – sub-prime losses alone are estimated at between $50bn and $200bn, depending on the magnitude of the fall in home prices – and no one knew who was holding what, no one trusted counterparties, leading to a severe liquidity crunch.

Bankruptcy
But illiquidity was not the only problem; there was also a solvency problem. Indeed, in the US today, hundreds of thousands – possibly two million – households are bankrupt and thus will default on their mortgages. Around 60 sub-prime lenders have already gone bankrupt.

Many homebuilders are near bankrupt, as are some hedge funds and other highly leveraged institutions. Even in the US corporate sector, defaults will rise, owing to sharply higher corporate bond spreads. Easier monetary policy may boost liquidity, but it will not resolve the solvency crisis. So it is now clear that reforms are needed to address the negative side effects of financial liberalisation, including greater systemic risk.

First, more information about complex assets and who is holding them is needed. Second, complex instruments should be traded on exchanges rather than on over-the-counter markets, and they should be standardised so that liquid secondary markets for them can arise.

Third, we need better financial supervision and regulation, including of opaque or highly leveraged hedge funds and even sovereign wealth funds. Fourth, the role of rating agencies needs to be rethought, with more regulation and competition introduced. Finally, liquidity risk should be properly assessed in risk management models, and both banks and other financial institutions should better price and manage such risk.

These crucial issues should be put on the agenda of the G7 finance ministers to prevent a serious backlash against financial globalisation and reduce the risk that financial turmoil will lead to severe economic damage.

© Project Syndicate, 2007